Posted by: naveenjindalblog | September 29, 2009

Naveen Jindal on Forbes Asia Cover

The world leading business magazine, Forbes Asia, has featured Naveen Jindal and JSPL on the cover of its October issue. The cover story titled Citizen Tycoon covers the achievements of the company under the leadership of Naveen Jindal.

As a business school student at the University of Texas at Dallas, Naveen Jindal noticed how his American pals flaunted their country’s flag. Inspired, he got himself an Indian flag for his dorm room. On returning home in 1992 and put to work in the family’s steel empire, Naveen ordered the national flag to be flown at the small, moneylosing factory that he was looking after in eastern India.

But three years later a bureaucrat who visited the plant directed the police to take the flag down. It turned out the Flag Code of India banned private citizens from displaying the national flag except on special occasions. Incensed by the archaic restriction, which he felt impinged on the fundamental right of free speech, Naveen, then all of 25, plunged into a nine-year legal battle with the government. It ended in 2004 when India’s Supreme Court ruled in his favor and the Flag Code was amended.

Today Indians can display the orange-white-green of their tricolor even on T-shirts, declares Naveen, who’s now a youthful 39 and a twice-elected member of parliament. He sports an Indian flag pin on his jacket. His run-in with the government inspired him to run for office in 2004 as a member of the Indian National Congress, which heads the current ruling coalition. “I had to do my bit to make the country of my dreams,” says Naveen, explaining what motivated him.

He’s brought the same sense of purpose to making the company of his dreams. He’s transformed his struggling factory, which was once considered the black sheep of the family business, into Jindal Steel & Power, India’s most valuable steel producer after state-owned sail. It’s worth more than the much bigger Tata Steel. Although Jindal’s annual capacity is only 3 million tons versus Tata’s 30 million, its market cap is $11.8 billion, compared with Tata’s $9 billion.

It’s obvious why investors prefer Jindal. In the past eight years, note analysts at Deutsche Bank ( DB – news – people ), it has been a star performer, consistently reporting operating margins of more than 40%. In the fiscal year ended in March, net income rose 85% to $585 million and revenue was up 55% to $2.1 billion. The standout performance earned the company a spot on the Fab 50 for the first time. Tata has also performed very well over the past several years–just not as well as Jindal–and makes the Fab 50 for the third year in a row.

Jindal was able to weather the economic downturn, say analysts, partly because it specializes in long steel products–rails and H beams–that are used in construction and remain in demand as India continues to build infrastructure. And it sells entirely in its home market, shielding it from the deep slump in steel demand in much of the rest of the world. Steel demand in India was flat last year, but a revival is now under way, with demand rising 6% in the quarter ended in June, says Prasad Baji, metals analyst at Edelweiss Capital, a financial services firm in Mumbai.

It also helps Jindal that it’s among the country’s lowest-cost steel producers. “If we keep costs low, we’ll be the last one standing in a downturn,” explains finance director Sushil Maroo. “And we prefer to cut costs through innovation.” For example, Jindal makes steel using sponge iron, which allows it to use a greater proportion of cheap noncoking coal ($15 a ton) rather than imported coking coal ($160 a ton). Another plus: Jindal has its own coal and iron ore mines as well as power plants to feed its steel mills. This insulates it from rising raw material prices. Not only is the company fully integrated but its production system is also flexible. “We manage market swings by rejigging the output mix,” says Chief Executive Vikrant Gujral.

No surprise that the company’s stock has turned red-hot lately. Jindal has soared threefold this year, outperforming the 77% rise in the benchmark Sensex.

But it’s not so much steel as Jindal’s fast-rising and highly profitable energy business that’s stoking investors’ interest. In perennially power-starved India the company has made a killing in the short-term market as the country’s first sizable merchant power producer. Although Jindal Steel’s 1,335 megawatts is less than 1% of India’s total power capacity, Deutsche Bank estimates that it earned 13% of the sector’s profits in the last fiscal year.

To plug the country’s energy deficit, the government changed the rules to permit private companies to sell power on the spot market rather than at regulated tariffs through long-term agreements with state electricity boards. Jindal already had experience setting up efficient power plants for its steel factories, so it jumped on the opportunity. It’s paid off. In the June quarter power contributed 74% to Jindal’s operating profit of $300 million.

This combination of steel and power puts Jindal Steel in unique territory, says Rakesh Arora, associate director, basic materials, at Macquarie Securities in Mumbai. “Every steel player is now trying to be like them.”

Wannabes have a lot of catching up to do. Jindal Steel has already amassed huge raw material resources–iron ore and coal mines–that its competitors are now scrambling to match. It has a 230-million-ton coal mine near its steel-and-power complex in eastern India. Additionally, it has secured rights from the government to five additional coal blocks, with reserves of 2.2 billion tons–the largest allotment to any private company in the country.

Looking ahead, Naveen–who’s Jindal Steel’s executive vice chairman and managing director–has sought to capture resources wherever he could get them. In 2007 he outbid steel baron Lakshmi Mittal’s Arcelor Mittal to snag the development rights for iron ore mines in Bolivia that have reserves of 20 billion tons; that’s more than India’s total iron ore reserves of 6 billion tons. Jindal promises to invest $2.1 billion there for mining and other projects that include a steel mill and power plant. Although doing business in landlocked Bolivia is a stiff challenge, Naveen says he’s willing to sweat it out because “having one’s own captive source of raw materials helps keep costs down and protects us against industry cycles.”

Wearing a Nehru jacket over a striped shirt, he’s seated in his New Delhi office. It’s crammed with objects that reflect his many interests: polo, skeet shooting, exercise, flying. Modern art hangs on the wall; his wife, Shallu Jindal, is the art collector. On one shelf are models of planes and helicopters, several of which he’s piloted. A glass case holds an array of his shooting medals. Next to his chair is an exercise machine fitted with a saddle that, at the push of a button, simulates a gentle trot. Although he owns 45 horses and a polo team, he can’t go riding as often as he used to, hence the surrogate machine. Jindal executives are used to their fitness-obsessed boss conducting meetings perched on the saddle.

Of late his passion for sports has taken a backseat to keeping Jindal’s bottom-line fit. “We have no aspirations to be number one,” declares Naveen. “It’s more important to be profitable and efficient than big.”

It’s a lesson he learned not at B-school but from his dad, the late Om Prakash Jindal, the founder of the $12-billion-in-revenue O.P. Jindal Group. Jindal senior, who never went beyond high school, started his career in the northern industrial town of Hisar as a trader in steel pipes, and went on to build a steel-and-power conglomerate. During his lifetime the patriarch informally divvied up the empire, handing down daily control of his companies to his four sons. Then he pursued a part-time career in politics. He was the energy minister in Haryana, his home state, when he died in a helicopter crash in 2005 at the age of 74. His wife, Savitri Jindal, took over that portfolio and chairs the group but has no operational role. She was ranked 234th on forbes asia’s billionaires list in March with an estimated net worth of $2.7 billion.

Of the four brothers, Naveen, the youngest, was hardly the rising star. He was more interested in sports than in the family trade. But after he completed his M.B.A., his father took him under his wing, involving him in a small sponge-iron-based steel plant. “Though my father wasn’t an engineer, he was a great one for experimenting and this was his newest baby,” recalls Naveen.

But it was a problem child. The factory was beset by production glitches compounded by the poor quality of raw materials. Because the unit was losing money, it was hived off as a separate company and Naveen was put in charge. “I wasn’t happy because all the decision making fell on me,” he admits. “I didn’t want all that responsibility.”

It was a slog. He struggled to pay salaries and took a sleeping pill every night. The factory turned around after he persuaded his dad that their homegrown technology wasn’t working and that the plant needed both technical help and new equipment. It was his father who saw that access to raw materials would be critical in the future, and he advised Naveen to secure his own. That spurred him to embark on a mine-acquisition binge at a time when such concessions were available on the cheap. This has given him an edge over rivals, including his siblings who run their own steel units under the Jindal umbrella.

Older brother Sajjan, whose JSW Steel produces 7.8 million tons a year, admits that his own focus on building new capacity rather than securing mining concessions proved to be a mistake. “I missed out,” he says. “Now we’re buying more resources.” As for his younger sibling, he says, “He works with a focused mind. Naveen is consistent and persistent in everything he does.”

And a bit of a risk-taker. Drawing up plans for Jindal Steel’s foray into power generation with a 1,000-megawatt coal-fired plant, he first sought long-term customers. But he failed to ink a power purchase agreement with any state electricity board, which could’ve put the $900 million project in jeopardy. Confident that Jindal wouldn’t lack customers, given India’s thirst for energy, he persuaded a consortium of 15 banks to back the venture. “It was a calculated risk but we were pretty sure it would pay off,” says Naveen, excusing himself to take a call on his cell hone from the chief minister of Haryana State.

Emboldened by his success, he’s now crafting myriad strategies to cash in on his sizable resources. Notwithstanding his proclamations that he doesn’t aspire to scale any rankings, he’s drawn up plans for a big ramp-up of Jindal, including a public listing of its power arm. Over the next decade or so he proposes to add 17 million tons of steel capacity and 14,000 megawatts of power. While the economy has slowed, it’s still growing at a fast 6% this year. And demand for steel and energy, he believes, will stay high.

Jindal’s pipeline of new projects include a hydropower joint venture with the state government of Arunachal Pradesh and an ambitious project to process liquid petroleum from high-ash coal using German technology. Ever the resource hunter, he’s also eyeing opportunities in oil-and-gas exploration. Subsidiary Jindal Petroleum has secured seven oil blocks, five in Georgia and one each in Bolivia and India.

Despite Jindal’s recent track record, Macquarie’s Arora has concerns about the group’s ability to execute its megaplans: “Jindal’s project-management capabilities will be tested as they enter uncharted territory.” Naveen is unfazed: “We’re in no hurry. We propose to expand in a modular manner, using the cash flow from one project for the next.” Dad would have surely approved.

By the Numbers: Indian Power

12% India’s power deficit at times of peak demand.

2012 Year when government aims to provide “power to all.”

78,700 megawatts Amount of electricity capacity to be added by 2012, half of India’s current capacity.

$104 billion Estimated shortage of funding for proposed capacity additions.

Source: Ministry of Power.

What is it about a piece of cloth that so moves our minds? Naveen Jindal writes on the mystique of the national flag as India celebrates its 62nd Independence Day.


An Ode to the Tiranga
By Naveen Jindal

In a landmark judgement the Supreme Court ruled in 2004 that it was the fundamental right of every Indian to display the national flag in a dignified manner, culminating a decade-long legal battle that secured for all of us the freedom to revel in our national colours.

Even more than it is to the Americans who love to wear the stars and stripes literally on their sleeves the tricolour is of historic importance to us. This is because never in its history, before 1947, had India stood as a single united nation, ruled by its own people, its freedom epitomized by a single national flag. Never before 1947, did the people of India have one flag that bound the whole nation in a liberating spirit of freedom.


Apart from being evocative of great leaders and their epic struggle for our nationhood, the tiranga in fact enshrines the very soul of our republic and the ideals of its Constitution– unity, sovereignty and secularism.


It is because of this that for every Indian patriot the tricolour transcends the plane of tokenism. It is a combination of hues that we like to see soaring up a tall mast to the tune of the national anthem and blowing freely in the wind atop our buildings, celebrating an identity we won with extraordinary courage. Like the Supreme Court said in its judgement: “From time immemorial people have laid down their lives to salute their own Flag.”


It is not clear what is it about a piece of cloth that has such an affect on our minds; why those colours inspires us to efforts beyond our capacity. But the fact is that the rising tricolour is what gives us the goose bumps when an Abhinav Bindra or a Rajyavardhan Rathore steps up on an Olympic podium. It is what makes great champions and brave soldiers cry with joy; it is what many of our leaders lived and died for. As the Supreme Court said, “the National Flag indisputably stands for the whole nation, its ideals, aspirations, its hopes and achievements.”


In the end, the Tiranga embraces the spirit of life itself, meant to be expressed not strangled by a legal noose. This is because the three colours not only symbolize the essential values of life, they are also a liberating metaphor for the fearless struggle of millions of people for self determination against the world’s mightiest power—a struggle that ended with freedom and martyrdom.


Today, as India, the world’s largest democracy, breaks decisively out of an economic eclipse and creates a dominant place for itself in the Global Sun it feels even better to wave the flag with abandon. So, go out and flaunt, wave, fly and raise the Indian national flag all you can—but always with a sense of respect.


In his book, Our National Flag, Lt Cdr K V Singh said: “The National Flag stands for the whole nation, for its honour and glory.” When it goes up, “the heart of a true citizen is filled with pride.” To which, R Venkataraman, the former President of India said: “Our flag is both a benediction and beckoning. It contains the blessings of all those great souls who brought us freedom. But it also beckons us to fulfill their vision of a just and united India.” On this Independence Day we can all feel blessed by our Fundamental Right to raise our flag as high as we want, without fear. We found our voice in 1947. Now is the time for us to proudly display the supreme symbol of our nationhood and like Jawaharlal Nehru said, on August 14, 1947, “to keep our tryst with destiny” and reaffirm our “pledge of dedication to the service of India and to the still larger cause of humanity.”


(The author is a Member of Parliament and the man who led the legal battle for our right to display the national flag.)

Posted by: naveenjindalblog | May 6, 2009

Following is an article published in TIMES OF INDIA -May 5,2009

Mr Naveen Jindal has registered a massive victory in the Lok Sabha election.
He trounced his rival candidate, Mr. Ashok Arora by 1, 18, 729 votes.
This is his second consecutive win from Kurukshetra.



Naveen Jindal’s formula: More work, less bureaucracy

5 May 2009, 0836 hrs IST, Rustam Roy, TIMESOFINDIA.COM

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Congress MP Naveen Jindal during a campaign in Kaithal

First-time Congress MP from Kurukshetra Naveen Jindal has come a long way from his industrialist-turned-politician image. In this Lok Sabha polls he is fighting on the developmental plank. Rustam Roy of timesofindia.com caught up with him on the campaign trail to dissect his campaign formula.

Q: How is this campaign different from the last time?
A: This time I am definitely more relaxed, I have a track record of five years to showcase, I have been working sincerely so people know that… and now I am the frontrunner.

Q: What is your goal in the next five years?
A: It is development definitely, we have been able to achieve much in the last five years… I was able to help build 80,000 toilets and provide grants to villages easily… building roads was also a big success… a sewage treatment plant, polytechnic for women is being built… even though I get a grant of just Rs 2 crore, we were able to raise a lot more than that for the uplift of the villages..

Q: So you are happy with your work so far.
A: I am satisfied but not happy, I tried to make the best possible use of the circumstances… obviously I would like to do much more.

Q: In your speeches here, you have been talking extensively about the role of an MP. Explain.
A: See, as I have said during my campaign what is the role of a legislator or an MP? It is to legislate that is to make laws for this country, but people expect me to have executive powers also, I don’t have such powers.
Let me expand this further, people want drains to be built, small-time work to be done but that is not our work an MP’s work is to make laws for the good of the country…we are a democracy but we are also very bureaucratic… I’ll fight against this.

Q: Is there a dream project on your mind which you would like to see fulfilled in years to come?
A: I am working towards a direct train service from Kaithal to Delhi and also a good hospital in Kurukshetra.

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/4484874.cms?frm=mailtofriend

Posted by: naveenjindalblog | April 28, 2009

Following is an interview by CNBC on 27th April 2009

Also the following article was published in the online edition of CNBC TV18, Apr 27, 2009. 

(http://www.moneycontrol.com/india/news/advertising–marketing/naveen-jindal-can-he-winbattle-for/14/44/395271)

Naveen Jindal: Can he win the battle for Kurukshetra again?

 

Published on Mon, Apr 27, 2009 at 17:13 , Updated at Tue, Apr 28, 2009 at 12:36
Source : CNBC TV18

 

 

Naveen Jindal the Executive Vice Chairman and MD of Jindal Steel and Power Company has always been in the news. In the last five years, this Lok Sabha MP has been actively pursuing issues ranging from the smoking ban in Parliament, to making the Indian Rupee acceptable at international duty free shops in India.

 

Being a Executive Vice Chairman and MD of steel company is just the headline on his resume. From the OP Jindal family, Naveen has always been in the news. He shot his way to glory in the National Shooting Championship; he has got two Indian Polo Association Championship titles under his saddle. And he fought for our right to hoist the National Flag in our homes and offices.

 

In 2004, Naveen decided it was time to make an impact outside the boardroom. So like his father, he joined the Congress Party and fought his fist Public battle, the battle for Kurukshetra.


For complete show, watch videos:

 

Posted by: naveenjindalblog | April 27, 2009

Sustained Development in Kurukshetra

Kurukshetra – Naveen Jindal

Posted by: naveenjindalblog | April 21, 2009

Following is an article published in MINT – April 15, 2009

 

On debut, inheritors fell short of national performance average

 

Mint is reviewing key metrics of the Lok Sabha since 1952, based on a compilation by PRS Legislative Research, an independent research initiative. Today, in the second part, we review the influence of dynasty politics; the third part will focus on MPs who are not grass-roots politicians

Ruhi Tewari

New Delhi: With the month-long general election starting on Thursday, the widely debated issue of dynasty politics, and the expectations and hype surrounding young, first-time members of the Lok Sabha, are in focus. The performance of these members of Parliament, or MPs, most of whom belong to political families, is under the scanner after their first stint in Parliament.
According to data provided by PRS Legislative Research, a Delhi-based independent research agency, around one in 15 MPs in the Lok Sabha are first timers from political families whose close family members are, or have been, politicians. No MP on the list comes up to the national average on all four metrics—participation in parliamentary debates, number of private member Bills introduced, questions asked and attendance. Only Naveen Jindal, son of former state lawmaker and businessman O.P. Jindal, managed to match—and even better—the national average on three of the four indicators—he participated in 35 debates, asked 376 questions and had 71%, attendance compared with a national average of 30, 169 and 69%, respectively. None of these parliamentarians managed to introduce any private member Bill and touch the national average of 0.6%.
Party time: Congress president Sonia Gandhi (right) waves as her son and party general secretary Rahul Gandhi (left) looks on while proceeding to the district collector’s office in Sultanpur on 4 April to file his nomination for the elections. AP

Party time: Congress president Sonia Gandhi (right) waves as her son and party general secretary Rahul Gandhi (left) looks on while proceeding to the district collector’s office in Sultanpur on 4 April to file his nomination for the elections. AP

 Among the more prominent faces, Rahul Gandhi, the heir apparent of the Nehru-Gandhi legacy, fell short on all four metrics. Gandhi asked three questions, participated in five debates and had a 63% attendance record. Similarly, figures for BJP MP Yashodhara Raje Scindia, daughter of the late Vijaya Raje Scindia, were 23, one and 71% respectively; she, however, joined the 14th Lok Sabha only in March 2007.
Dushyant Singh (Bharatiya Janata Party MP from Jhalawar in Rajasthan), son of former Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje, performed better than the national average in asking 604 questions and participating in 46 debates, but could only manage a 63% attendance record. Congress MP Priya Dutt, daughter of the late Bollywood film star Sunil Dutt and sister of film star Sanjay Dutt, participated in four debates, asked 31 questions and had an attendance of less than 50%. Dutt was elected in a by-election in November 2005 after her father’s death.
Dayanidhi Maran, son of the late Murasoli Maran (a former Union minister) and himself a former Union minister for communications and information technology, participated in one debate, asked no questions and had a 10% attendance record. While Maran had the dubious distinction of recording the lowest attendance percentage in the list, Susheela Laxman Bangaru—wife of Bangaru Laxman, former BJP MP—who was elected from Jalore in Rajasthan, had the best attendance record of 91%.
The database compiled by PRS shows that of the 543 MPs in the House, seven members were sons/daughters of former or current chief ministers. These include Agatha K. Sangma (Tura constituency in Meghalaya), daughter of former Union minister and Meghalaya chief minister P.A. Sangma; Akhilesh Yadav (from Kannauj constituency in Uttar Pradesh), son of former UP chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav; and Sandeep Dikshit (from East Delhi constituency), son of three-time Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit.
Beyond The Steel Palace

Just why is one of India’s wealthiest men burning rubber on the dirt tracks of Kurukshetra? HARINDER BAWEJA travels with the 39-year-old Naveen Jindal

bay5 
Photo: VIJAY PANDEY

MOST TAKE a shot at politics for the power it will afford them. There are only a few who willingly opt for it even though they can more than afford to stay out of it. The young, 39-year-old, Naveen Jindal, who is now contesting for a second time to reclaim the constituency of Kurukshetra in Haryana, is one such industrialist. With a turnover of Rs 10,000 crore, the steel baron can spend the rest of his life in the lap of luxury. But the barely three-hour journey between Delhi, where Jindal Steel is headquartered, and the by-lanes and dirt tracks of Kurukshetra, where he is now campaigning, is a journey he has thought long and hard about.

On the campaign trail, he has interesting anecdotes to narrate and this is one of them: as a child, I once asked my father (OP Jindal, a Congress minister in Haryana who died in a helicopter crash in 2005) what the power of an MLA and MP was and he replied, “nothing”. So why then has Naveen, the youngest of three brothers, chosen to fill his father’s shoes? Even at 39 and at the end of a five-year-tenure as a Member of Parliament, he questions his own role as an MP, “What are my executive powers? Nothing. We are truly a bureaucracy. People can approach me but not the officers.’’

So like so many other young MPs who are seldom recognised even by their own parties, why is Naveen, touring six to ten villages in a day, getting off his Land Cruiser to pay condolences to unknown villagers who seldom touch his life? A part of the answer is available through the speeches he makes at different village stops. “My father always told me that we are blessed. We are what we are because of all of you. Aap ka ashirwad hi hamari takat hai (Your blessings are our power) and we want to make your lives better.”

There are other reasons that keep him committed to the political pact he has made with himself. He explains it thus, “There was a way shown in Rang De Basanti but that is not the right way. For me, politics is a means by which I can do a lot for my country. I want to be instrumental in changing government policies and you can change the system only by being part of the system.”

As a first-time candidate from Kurukshetra in 2004, he won by a huge margin of 1.62 lakh votes and had the particular satisfaction of defeating Abhay Chautala, the son of former Chief Minister Om Prakash Chautala. Naveen has tried in the subsequent five years to develop a constituency whose fate is decided by 13 lakh voters. Unlike most MPs, he has figures that can be flaunted — he has set up 688 eye camps where, apart from OPD facilities, 24,461 people have been operated. Medical vans have travelled through over 6,000 sites (his constituency comprises 1,100 villages) and he has also set up gyms and sewing centers, apart from constructing over 50,000 toilets for families living below the poverty line, who even in the 21st century were defecating in the open until then.

THE MAIN charge that his opponents throw at him is interesting. It is a charge that won’t come the way of too many MPs, but is flung at this young baron, probably because of his personal wealth. He spends too much money on his constituency worry his opponents: Naveen makes capital use of that worry. “An MP gets Rs 2 crore per year for their constituency and, yes, I spend two plus an additional Rs 10 crore. So, what’s their problem? I’m only spending it on my people,’’ is a ready answer at all his village rallies.

‘The way shown in Rang De Basanti is not the right way. You can change the system only from within, by being a part of it,’ says Jindal

He must have been surprised, therefore, to find a shoe come his way by a drunk and disgruntled former employee, especially since his aim this time is to take his victory margin well beyond the two-lakh mark. But that’s not the only thing this MP is obsessing about. He sees himself as an agent of social change and though, self-admittedly, he has no executive powers within Kurukshetra, he uses the floor of the Lok Sabha to focus on the changes he wishes to bring. Naveen has the record of having asked the most questions among the ten MPs that Haryana sends to Parliament and they have been on varied issues — from health delivery systems in rural areas to the bidding process for the import of wheat to violence against minorities and the ill effects of carbonated soft drinks.

GenNext is restless for change and Naveen Jindal has an agenda for the next five years. It is to do with a Food Security Act that works towards zero hunger. It also has to do with schemes that can ‘reduce our population’ and tackle corruption. The journeys between his air-conditioned office in Delhi and the dirt tracks of Kurukshetra are shaping his agenda.

 
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 16, Dated Apr 25, 2009
Posted by: naveenjindalblog | April 6, 2009

Pushing the envelope

This article was published under the headline “Pushing the envelope” in Hindustan Times on April 3, 2009

 

The Right and the Opportunity to Vote

Naveen Jindal

 

When some American friends from my alma mater, the University of Texas at Dallas visited India in November, 2008, the conversation naturally led to the US elections and the fervour with which the candidates were campaigning. I was eager to know from my friends as to why they were in India on the day of the US elections and miss the opportunity to vote. I was extremely surprised to learn that they had already voted, as absentee voting was widely prevalent in the US.

 

The fact of the matter is that a large number of our citizens are not able to exercise their right to vote. For instance, there are no provisions in the Indian Law to enable millions of migrant workers, NRIs, students studying abroad, travelling business professionals, senior or unwell citizens, who may not be able to travel to the polling booth to exercise their right to vote in any alternative manner.

 

The right to vote under the Indian law flows from both the Constitution of India and the Representation of the People Act of 1950 and 1951. A citizen of India, who is 18 years of age, has a right to be registered as a voter in a constituency irrespective of his or her race, religion, caste or sex. Given the democratic aspirations of the citizens of India and India’s global standing as the world’s largest and one of the most vibrant democracies, there is a case for providing a stronger constitutional foundation for strengthening the right to vote.

 

The best practices that prevail in different parts of the world demonstrate that governments need to take substantial efforts to ensure greater participation of their citizenry in the electoral process. A number of developed countries implement various forms of absentee voting, such as internet voting (Switzerland, US, France etc.), proxy voting (Netherlands) and postal voting, which has emerged as the most popular form of absentee voting. People in countries such as the US, UK, Switzerland, Australia and some other countries have benefited by implementing postal voting with a view to providing greater access to the people towards exercising their right to vote.

 

India does implement a limited form of postal voting, but the regulation covers far few people to create a meaningful impact towards making the electoral process more inclusive. For instance, The Conduct of Election Rules 1961 in section 18(a) provides for a list of persons entitled to vote by post in a parliamentary or assembly constituency: special voters (For e.g. The President of India, Vice-President, Governors etc.); service voters (For e.g. armed forces, member of a force to which the army act applies, etc.); voters on election duty (For e.g. polling agent, polling officer etc.); and electors subjected to preventive detention. This provision provides for the right to vote for certain specified categories of persons in India, but still leaves out a large number of people who have difficulties in exercising their right to vote. In an amendment to the Representation of People Act, 1951 in 2003, section 60(c) provided for enabling: “…any person belonging to a class of persons notified by the Election Commission in consultation with the Government to give his vote by postal ballot…” While this provision clearly provides scope for the recognition of a “class of persons” to be entitled to exercise their right to vote by way of postal ballot, it has been used in the past for a limited number of cases concerning migrants from Jammu and Kashmir, and Bru and Reang tribal migrants from Mizoram and Tripura for allowing them to vote through postal ballot.

 

A large number of Indian citizens for a variety of reasons including travel, illness, disability and personal difficulties including education, employment and other innumerable reasons may not be able to physically be present on the day of the elections in the constituencies where their vote is registered. In the true spirit of Indian democracy, it is imperative that we now expand the postal ballot system to include all Indian citizens, to exercise their right to vote by post.

 

Of course, any such expansion will need to carefully consider the issues relating to security and integrity of the electoral process, need for ensuring secret ballot, availability of checks and balances that will ensure the proper implementation of the postal ballot system, efforts to reduce and progressively eliminate the abuse of the postal ballot system, complexity of the logistics and other manpower and resources requirements of the Election Commission of India and other state electoral apparatuses for implementing a larger postal ballot system in addition to many other legal and policy issues. But these challenges, formidable as they are, should not discourage us as a mature democracy from moving towards developing a wider framework for implementing the right to vote through postal ballot system and other policies and practices that will increase the political participation of people in the electoral process of this country. The problems of implementing a more inclusive postal ballot system and the potential abuse of absentee voting should not deter us from ensuring that the right to vote of every Indian citizen is duly enforced.

 

The purpose of this effort is to make the electoral process in India far more inclusive and far less cumbersome, such that each and every Indian is able to exercise not only the right to vote, but also have the opportunity to vote.

 

 

(Naveen Jindal)

Mr. Naveen Jindal is a Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) representing Kurukshetra Constituency in Haryana.

 

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